Violence... The story so far

Its Roots and Implications

Dixon K Kamukama

Extended Book Review

This little book fills out the pre-genocide history of Rwanda nicely. Other books reviewed on this site neglected or glossed over this important period. It is important for it traces the true origins of the Hutu / Tutsi divide. Further, it is important because it shows that Rwandan cultural developments paralleled the histories of other feudal states that threw off feudalism by one means or another, but typically by violence. Rwanda was no exception. The Germans, then the Belgians, complicated that process.

The worst complication came when Belgium issued identity cards that expressly defined three "ethnic groups" though all three shared the same history, culture and language. Only the Twa differed in appearance, being shorter. The distinction made was along existing lines. The Tutsis were the governors, and that made them superior in European eyes. Never mind that Tutsis and Hutus often traded stations in life, trading identity so to speak. The king owned all the land so he and his vassals were paid tribute via "taxes" paid. Taxes were paid mainly in food as there was no monetary system.

The true distinction between the Tutsis and Hutus was in their means of sustenance. Hutus were agrarian, farmers anchored to the soil. Tutsis were pastoral, anchored only by where their cattle could find feed. In consequence, the Tutsis were naturally more aggressive; it was part of how they corralled resources in sustaining their lives. Each group shared the same genome, differing only in how they carved out a living and in protecting their resources. Their differences were merely learned behavior.

As would be expected, all was not peaceful between the two groups. And the Tutsi kings fought wars with neighboring kingdoms. When the Europeans came, the region already had a long history of violence and war. The Europeans at first governed through the kings, but when one became "disobedient" he was exiled.

A cow was the only unit of exchange in Rwanda. The Belgians introduced a monetary system that persists to this day. And they brought monotheism, Catholic variety.

With formal education, an educated middle class arose and became confident enough to speak out against the ruling monarchy still doing the bidding of the Belgians. As independence fever grew, political parties formed. In 1957 one led by Habyarimana focused on the unprivileged strata. A militant group that was anti-Belgian, but pro monarchy, UNAR, was formed in August 1959. It was followed by a movement to emancipate the Hutu, PARMEHUTU, in October of that year. On Nov 1 1959, violence broke out when UNAR activists attacked a Hutu sub-chief. The PARMEHUTU retaliated in kind. Thousands, mostly Tutsi, died and many more were displaced. A contest between monarchists and "democratic" forces was in full swing. But it served the Belgian purpose to characterize the clashes as ethnic in origin, for that way their role as exploiters would remain hidden.

The king, a Belgian puppet was toppled. A controversial election was held and an interim government was formed, but it was not recognized by the UN. Nevertheless, the interim government abolished the Monarchy. As a UN trusteeship, a UN-supervised election then held new elections and installed a government led by the PARMEHUTU in Oct 1961. This was followed by independence as a republic on 1 July 1962.

Strife persisted. Tutsi youth in the diaspora, members of UNAR, organized themselves and waged war, trying to force their way back into power. They became known as "Innyenzi" (cockroaches) because of the way they waged war. Night attacks from, Uganda, Burundi, Tanganyika, and Zaire were their trademark. One deep penetration was repulsed only 20 kilometers from Kigali. This provoked a massacre of some 20,000 Tutsi in revenge. And so it went into 1964. The UNHCR estimated that 150,000 people, mostly Tutsi, had fled to neighboring countries. It could have been twice as many because only those registered with the UN were counted.

Rwandan refugees in Uganda prospered and this stirred up local retaliations. The Uganda government became involved and by 1985, Babyarwandan youth joined the National Resistance Army, NRA, which took control of western Uganda. The NRA cause was aided by numerous government atrocities, which fanned the flames of hatred. In counter point, the NRA was accused of being an occupation force of Rwandan mercenaries. Fred Rwingvema, Paul Kagame, and Chris Bunyenyezi were prominent leaders in the NRA.

Meanwhile, the Rwandan government watched developments closely, concerned. And well it should have been. The Rwandese Patriotic Front, RPF, was gaining in strength, funding and purpose. It was made up mostly of Tutsi with moderate Hutus in a marked minority. The NRA had taken shape in Nairobi in 1979. By 1990 it was ready for action. It came on 1 Oct under the command of Maj. General Fred Rwingvema and met with initial success. However, Rwingvema was killed one day later. Three weeks later Majors Baingana and Bunyenyezi met the same fate. Confusion and suspicions were rife internally in the NRA, for these officers did have their differences. Nevertheless, the Rwandan government claimed responsibility for their deaths.

Aided by Zarian troops and logistic support from both Belgium and France, the government forces defeated the RPF invaders, reducing them to a mere guerilla force. The Zarian troop contingent were withdrawn for their indiscipline and abuse of civilians and raping of women. France sent a contingent of paratroopers to support the Rwandan government.

Attempts to broker a peace began and an agreement was signed in 1992. It failed ultimately, in 1993, because of clashes between government and RPF forces. The RPF accused the Kigali government of ethnic cleansing, and indeed that seemed to be the case. Indeed, 80 people were killed on 27 Jan 1993. But this looks like retaliation for the 25 Jan 1993 RPF attack on the northern town of Ruhengeri. This earlier move instilled fear in Kigali. Moreover as many as a million people were displaced, with 10,000 exiting to Uganda. The government refused to let the Red Cross assist the refugees. The table we being set for the genocide to come.

The RPF withdrew and the Arusha peace moves took on new life. A peace treaty was signed on 4 August 1993. Many dignitaries from neighboring countries, Europe, and the US attended the signing. This was a new chapter in that it gave the RPF a power-sharing role with some badly needed recognition by the international Community. It also promised reconciliation. But it was not to be.

Since Habyarimana stood to lose much of his power, he procrastinated on the implementation. He was aided by many allies from four extremist political parties. But that was not enough to save his power. Things were gyrating out of control. Habyarimana became isolated from his cabinet. He had earned their wrath for signing the Arusha accord.

The worst complication came when Belgium issued identity cards that expressly defined three "ethnic groups" though all three shared the same history, culture and language. Only the Twa differed in appearance, being shorter. The distinction made was along existing lines. The Tutsis were the governors, and that made them superior in European eyes. Never mind that Tutsis and Hutus often traded stations in life, trading identity so to speak. The king owned all the land so he and his vassals were paid tribute via "taxes" paid. Taxes were paid mainly in food as there was no monetary system.

The true distinction between the Tutsis and Hutus was in their means of sustenance. Hutus were agrarian, farmers anchored to the soil. Tutsis were pastoral, anchored only by where their cattle could find feed. In consequence, the Tutsis were naturally more aggressive; it was part of how they corralled resources in sustaining their lives. Each group shared the same genome, differing only in how they carved out a living and in protecting their resources. Their differences were merely learned behavior.

As would be expected, all was not peaceful between the two groups. And the Tutsi kings fought wars with neighboring kingdoms. When the Europeans came, the region already had a long history of violence and war. The Europeans at first governed through the kings, but when one became "disobedient" he was exiled.

A cow was the only unit of exchange in Rwanda. The Belgians introduced a monetary system that persists to this day. And they brought monotheism, Catholic variety.

With formal education, an educated middle class arose and became confident enough to speak out against the ruling monarchy still doing the bidding of the Belgians. As independence fever grew, political parties formed. In 1957 one led by Habyarimana focused on the unprivileged strata. A militant group that was anti-Belgian, but pro monarchy, UNAR, was formed in August 1959. It was followed by a movement to emancipate the Hutu, PARMEHUTU, in October of that year. On Nov 1 1959, violence broke out when UNAR activists attacked a Hutu sub-chief. The PARMEHUTU retaliated in kind. Thousands, mostly Tutsi, died and many more were displaced. A contest between monarchists and "democratic" forces was in full swing. But it served the Belgian purpose to characterize the clashes as ethnic in origin, for that way their role as exploiters would remain hidden.

The king, a Belgian puppet was toppled. A controversial election was held and an interim government was formed, but it was not recognized by the UN. Nevertheless, the interim government abolished the Monarchy. As a UN trusteeship, a UN-supervised election then held new elections and installed a government led by the PARMEHUTU in Oct 1961. This was followed by independence as a republic on 1 July 1962.

Strife persisted. Tutsi youth in the diaspora, members of UNAR, organized themselves and waged war, trying to force their way back into power. They became known as "Innyenzi" (cockroaches) because of the way they waged war. Night attacks from, Uganda, Burundi, Tanganyika, and Zaire were their trademark. One deep penetration was repulsed only 20 kilometers from Kigali. This provoked a massacre of some 20,000 Tutsi in revenge. And so it went into 1964. The UNHCR estimated that 150,000 people, mostly Tutsi, had fled to neighboring countries. It could have been twice as many because only those registered with the UN were counted.

Rwandan refugees in Uganda prospered and this stirred up local retaliations. The Uganda government became involved and by 1985, Babyarwandan youth joined the National Resistance Army, NRA, which took control of western Uganda. The NRA cause was aided by numerous government atrocities, which fanned the flames of hatred. In counter point, the NRA was accused of being an occupation force of Rwandan mercenaries. Fred Rwingvema, Paul Kagame, and Chris Bunyenyezi were prominent leaders in the NRA.

Meanwhile, the Rwandan government watched developments closely, concerned. And well it should have been. The Rwandese Patriotic Front, RPF, was gaining in strength, funding and purpose. It was made up mostly of Tutsi with moderate Hutus in a marked minority. The NRA had taken shape in Nairobi in 1979. By 1990 it was ready for action. It came on 1 Oct under the command of Maj. General Fred Rwingvema and met with initial success. However, Rwingvema was killed one day later. Three weeks later Majors Baingana and Bunyenyezi met the same fate. Confusion and suspicions were rife internally in the NRA, for these officers did have their differences. Nevertheless, the Rwandan government claimed responsibility for their deaths.

Aided by Zarian troops and logistic support from both Belgium and France, the government forces defeated the RPF invaders, reducing them to a mere guerilla force. The Zarian troop contingent were withdrawn for their indiscipline and abuse of civilians and raping of women. France sent a contingent of paratroopers to support the Rwandan government.

Attempts to broker a peace began and an agreement was signed in 1992. It failed ultimately, in 1993, because of clashes between government and RPF forces. The RPF accused the Kigali government of ethnic cleansing, and indeed that seemed to be the case. Indeed, 80 people were killed on 27 Jan 1993. But this looks like retaliation for the 25 Jan 1993 RPF attack on the northern town of Ruhengeri. This earlier move instilled fear in Kigali. Moreover as many as a million people were displaced, with 10,000 exiting to Uganda. The government refused to let the Red Cross assist the refugees. The table we being set for the genocide to come.

The RPF withdrew and the Arusha peace moves took on new life. A peace treaty was signed on 4 August 1993. Many dignitaries from neighboring countries, Europe, and the US attended the signing. This was a new chapter in that it gave the RPF a power-sharing role with some badly needed recognition by the international Community. It also promised reconciliation. But it was not to be.

The Presidential Guard, gendarmes and the extremist Interahamwe (the HUTU militia made up mainly of youths) started training to exterminate the RFP Tutsi sympathizers as well as moderate Hutus. (Machetes were to be their principal weapon.)

The army was also not about to share responsibility with the RFP. The presidential Guard had a gory history of grisly murders. Each was destined to take part in the genocide along with the Interahamwe.

In early April, 1994, Habyarimana's airplane was shot down on approach to Kigali airport. It took skill to accomplish such a successful missile attack. (Some observers believe mercenaries were involved. Circumstantial evidence points to a coup, but some observers believe the sophistication of the attack was only within the capability of the RPF.)

Whatever that truth is, road blocks went up within the hour all over Kigali. The next in line for power was assassinated the next day. The killing sprees began in earnest--as planned. One of Habyarimana's ministers, Bagasora, immediately took effective control of the slaughter. He rebuffed the UN representative. After losing several of its crack troops on a UN mission, Belgium withdrew its remaining contingent. The UN force retained its moral force, but became essentially helpless to stop the genocide.

Seen in this light, the genocide was an escalation of long-simmering strife punctuated by massacres. That does not excuse the perpetrators, but the genocide itself was not the sudden, inexplicable outburst of murder it has been characterized as being.

This little book is highly recommended to any serious student of genocide. We give it four stars on content--Two stars on format, clarity, English, and flow, all of which are problematic.

See the files on Genocide for subsequent events.